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These lands comprise approximately 80% of the land area of the pastoral high country and receive no inputs dr oz arthritis relief gloves discount voltaren 100mg mastercard. In the long term arthritis in neck causing pins and needles discount voltaren 50mg line, the pastoral use of extensive areas of the South Island high country is unlikely to be sustainable. This provided for lessees to negotiate freehold title for the more productive, generally lower 610 8. Their main influence was through fire, which increased dramatically from the rare natural fires, and was a major factor in increasing the extent of grassland. By the time Europeans settled in the 1840s, forest cover had decreased from ~75% to ~50%, largely at the expense of tussock (bunch) grassland cover that increased to ~31% (82,436 km2; Mark and McLennan 2005). All of the remaining indigenous grasslands have been modified to varying extents through the effects of pastoral farming (burning and domestic grazing) on the more accessible rangelands and feral herbivores on the remainder, mainly deer introduced for hunting. Erosion was probably a feature of upland landscapes ahead of pastoral farming (Whitehouse, 1984), but degradation increased as a result and ranged from a drastic reduction in above-ground biomass through replacement of the tall tussock cover by a mixed short turf or herb field of grazing-tolerant grasses and forbs, and greatly increased bare soil and consequent erosion. In the more remote, non-rangeland regions, displacement of tussock cover was less serious. The extent of degradation was also related to the basement rock, as well as to variation in the topographic factors of elevation, aspect and slope. The government took legislative action to address the situation in 1948 with an amendment to much earlier legislation, to provide much greater security for the pastoral use of the governmentleasehold high-country tussock lands. Previously, the leases were reviewed at 11-year intervals with no right of renewal; such insecurity clearly encouraged unrestrained resource exploitation. The amendment carried some discretionary management constraints, but significantly provided a formal right of lease renewal at 33-year intervals, with "the same conditions and provisions as the original lease"­ clearly offering absolute security of tenure. Despite the amendment, with continued deterioration in the rangelands condition and carrying capacity, the government established regional catchment authorities in the early 1950s. There was also provision of central government subsidies for improving both land management and access. Seasonal or intermittent spelling from grazing, although generally considered desirable, was only rarely practiced - even as a component of post-fire management. Retirement of land deemed to be unsuitable for sustained pastoralism, was usually a condition for subsidized assistance though relinquishment of the lease on this land, also a condition, but was rarely enforced. This is an ongoing process, described up to April 2012 by Mark (2012) and now (January, 2017) there remain the same ten conservation parks totaling 581,032 ha and five whole-property purchases (128,792 ha), with 119 of the original 303 leases now reviewed, totaling 623,413 ha: 53% allocated to freehold and 47% to conservation and with 48 leases at various stages of the process. For example, the crest of the Pisa Range was used for extensive merino sheep summer grazing, in combination with intermittent burning, until 2012 when this detrimental land-use practice was brought to a halt through tenure review. There is, therefore, no "easy fix" as to restoration methods of the upland grasslands, besides just conserving areas and facilitating their return to the original conditions at their own pace. Recovery of these degraded ecosystems was a very slow process because of the prevailing environmental conditions. Grey cushions are Anisotome imbricata (Apiaceae), dark green ones are Dracophyllum muscoides (Ericaceae), and more bright green ones being Colobanthus buchananii (Caryophyllaceae). Well thought through decision-making processes regarding environmental issues ­ which forms part of environmental governance ­ and resulting environmental policies are paramount to halt and reverse land degradation. Institutional environmental policies define how and when to mitigate ecosystem degradation or regulate the use of natural resources (Ostrom, 2009). Institutional competencies are the set of abilities which a given institution can use to achieve those policy goals. Examples include the ability to collaborate with local communities, support the design of scientifically-sound restoration interventions, or foresee possible undesired secondary effects of policies. Besides organizational mandate and informal organizational practice, institutional competencies are an inherent part of the design and implementation of policy instruments and may even act as important drivers of land degradation or restoration (Ferraro & Hanauer, 2014; Guariguata & Brancalion, 2014; Primmer, 2017). Institutional competencies support the successful design and implementation of policy instruments. Land degradation and restoration issues are typically driven by a complex interaction of drivers operating at different spatial and temporal scales.

The challenge to Orientalism and the colonial era of which it is so organically a part arthritis hip joint pain buy 50 mg voltaren visa, was a challenge to the muteness imposed upon the Orient as object treatment for arthritis in dogs uk buy voltaren overnight. Now it is often the case that you can be known by others in different ways than you know yourself, and that valuable insights might be generated accordingly. But that is quite a different thing than pronouncing it as immutable law that outsiders ipso facto have a better sense of you as an insider than you do of yourself. There is a flat assertion of quality, which the Western policymaker, or his faithful servant, possesses by virtue of his being Western, white, non-Muslim. Now this, I submit, is neither science, nor knowledge, nor understanding: it is a statement of power and a claim for relatively absolute authority. It is constituted out of racism, and it is made comparatively acceptable to an audience prepared in advance to listen to its muscular truths. Whereas in the past it was European Christian Orientalists who supplied European culture with arguments for colonising and suppressing Islam, as well as for despising Jews, it is now the Jewish national movement that produces a cadre of colonial officials whose ideological theses about the Islamic or Arab mind are implemented in the administration of the Palestinian Arabs, an oppressed minority within the white-European-democracy that is Israel. Underlying much of the discussion of Orientalism is a disquieting realisation that the relationship between cultures is both uneven and irremediably secular. This brings us to the point I alluded to a moment ago, about recent Arab and Islamic efforts, well-intentioned for the most part, but sometimes motivated by unpopular regimes, who in attracting attention to the shoddiness of the Western media in representing the Arabs or Islam divert scrutiny from the abuses of their rule and therefore make efforts to improve the so-called image of Islam and the Arabs. Most of these disputes testify, first of all, to the fact that the production of knowledge, or information, of media images is unevenly distributed: its locus, and the centers of its greatest force are located in what, on both sides of the divide, has been polemically called the metropolitan West. Secondly, this unhappy realisation on the part of weaker parties and cultures has reinforced their grasp of the fact that although there are many divisions within it, there is only one secular and historical world, and that neither nativism, nor divine intervention, nor regionalism, nor ideological smokescreens can hide societies, cultures and peoples from each other, especially not from those with the force and will to penetrate others for political as well as economic ends. I come finally now to the second and, in my opinion, the more challenging and interesting set of problems that derive from the reconsideration of Orientalism. One of the legacies of Orientalism, and indeed one of its epistemological foundations, is historicism, that is, the view propounded by Vico, Hegel, Marx, Ranke, Dilthey and others, that if humankind has a history it is produced by men and women, and can be understood historically as, at each given period, epoch or moment, possessing a complex, but coherent unity. So far as Orientalism in particular and the European knowledge of other societies in general have been concerned, historicism meant that the one human history uniting humanity either culminated in or was observed from the vantage point of Europe, or the West. What was neither observed by Europe nor documented by it was therefore "lost" until, at some later date, it too could be incorporated by the new sciences of anthropology, political economics and linguistics. It is out of this later recuperation of what Eric Wolf has called people without history, that a still later disciplinary step was taken, the founding of the science of world history, whose major practitioners include Braudel, Wallerstein, Perry Anderson and Wolf himself. What, in other words, has never taken place is an epistemological critique at the most fundamental level of the connection between the development of a historicism which has expanded and developed enough to include antithetical attitudes such as ideologies of Western imperialism and critiques of imperialism on the one hand, and on the other, the actual practise of imperialism by which the accumulation of territories and population, the control of economies, and the incorporation and homogenisation of histories are maintained. If we keep this in mind we will remark, for example, that in the methodological assumptions and practice of world history-which is ideologically anti-imperialist-little or no attention is given to those cultural practices like Orientalism or ethnography affiliated with imperialism, which in genealogical fact fathered world history itself; hence the emphasis in world history as a discipline has been on economic and political practices, defined by the processes of world historical writing, as in a sense separate and different from, as well as unaffected by, the knowledge of them which world history produces. The curious result is that the theories of accumulation on a world scale, or the capitalist world state, or lineages of absolutism (a) depend on the same displaced percipient and historicist observer who had been an Orientalist or colonial traveller three generations ago; (b) depend also on a homogenising and incorporating world historical scheme that assimilated non-synchronous developments, histories, cultures and peoples to it; and (c) block and keep down latent epistemological critiques of the institutional, cultural and disciplinary instruments linking the incorporative practice of world history with partial knowledges like Orientalism on the one hand, and on the other, with continued "Western" hegemony of the non-European, peripheral world. I shall be giving examples of this dissolving and decentering process in a moment. What needs to be said about it immediately is that it is neither purely methodological nor purely reactive in intent. You do not respond, for example, to the tyrannical conjuncture of colonial power with scholarly Orientalism simply by proposing an alliance between nativist sentiment buttressed by some variety of native ideology to combat them. Nor can it be a matter simply of recycling the old Marxist or world historical rhetoric which only accomplishes the dubiously valuable task of re-establishing intellectual and theoretical ascendancy of the old, by now impertinent and genealogically flawed, conceptual models. No: we must, I believe, think both in political and above all theoretical terms, locating the main problems in what Frankfurt theory identified as domination and division of labor, and along with those, the problem of the absence of a theoretical and Utopian as well as libertarian dimension in analysis. We cannot proceed unless therefore we dissipate and redispose the material of historicism into radically different objects and pursuits of knowledge, and we cannot do that until we are aware clearly that no new projects of knowledge can be constituted unless they fight to remain free of the dominance and professionalised particularism that comes with historicist systems and reductive, pragmatic or functionalist theories. For the re-consideration of Orientalism has been intimately connected with many other activities of the sort I referred to earlier, and which it now becomes imperative to articulate in more detail. Thus, for example, we can now see that Orientalism is a praxis of the same sort, albeit in different territories, as male gender dominance, or patriarchy, in metropolitan societies: the Orient was routinely described as feminine, its riches as fertile, its main symbols the sensual woman, the harem and the despotic-but curiously attractive-ruler. Moreover, Orientals like Victorian housewives were confined to silence and to unlimited enriching production. Now much of this material is manifestly connected to the configurations of sexual, racial and political asymmetry underlying mainstream modern Western culture, as adumbrated and illuminated respectively by feminists, by black studies critics and by antiimperialist activists.

The high end of that estimate would be roughly the same as the total temperature rise since the peak of the last Ice Age arthritis knee magnets buy voltaren cheap. Such increases could raise sea levels by about one to one and a half feet by 2050 arthritis in your knee symptoms buy voltaren 100mg with visa, flooding coastal lowland plains and wetlands worldwide and increasing storm tides and the intrusion of saltwater into estuaries and groundwater. Among the other physical changes that could be triggered even by a modest warming of temperatures are increased frequency and severity of hurricanes, droughts, and flooding. And increased weather extremes that accompany climate warming may already be contributing to an increase in and geographical redistribution of vector-borne diseases. This rate of loss is unparalleled since the last mass extinction of species 65 million years ago. The genes of relatives of those varieties that grow in the wild, which will be needed to respond to such threats to food security, are now threatened by deforestation and conversion of land to agriculture. The health of the world economy itself depends on avoiding the depletion of renewable natural resources. The degradation of cultivated land threatens to reduce agricultural productivity in large areas of the developing world. If rates of economic loss from environmental degradation continue to rise in key developing countries in future decades, the health of the entire world economy will be affected. The actual rate of species loss is still unknown and the impact of the loss of a given proportion of species cannot be easily gauged. Finally, there is no reliable global data on the actual rate of land degradation, nor can the impact of land degradation on future food production be predicted with any confidence. The uncertainties associated with these environmental threats are comparable, however, to those associated with most military threats that national security establishments prepare for. Military planning is based on "worst-case" contingencies that are considered relatively unlikely to occur, yet military preparations for such contingencies are justified as a necessary insurance policy, or "hedge" against uncertainty. But in the United States, for example, the potential harm that global environmental degradation poses to the health and livelihoods of Americans is arguably worse than those posed by most military security threats for which the country is prepared. But unlike traditional national security thinking about such conflicts, which focus primarily on nonrenewable resources like minerals and petroleum, the environmental security approach addresses renewable resources-those that need not be depleted if managed sustainably. Conflicts involving renewable natural resources are of two kinds: those in which resource depletion is the direct objective of the conflict, and those in which it is an indirect cause of the conflict. Freshwater resources and fish stocks are the clearest examples of renewable resources that have been the direct objective of potentially violent international conflicts. Conflict over the shared waters of international rivers has long been of interest to national security planners. The United States intelligence community estimated in the mid1980s that there are 10 places in the world- half in the Middle East-where war could break out because of dwindling freshwater supplies. International conflicts over fishing grounds have been frequent in recent decades. Thirty such conflicts were reported last year alone, including several in which force was used. Shared freshwater resources and maritime fisheries are good examples of issues that involve more than traditional competition for control over natural resources. Sustainable water-use plans for both states must be formulated as part of water sharing agreements, including provisions for greater efficiency in water use by eliminating water subsidies, choosing less water-intensive crops, reducing water losses in irrigation, and minimizing water pollution. The primary reason for the decline in maritime fisheries is too many fishing boats with too much modern fishing technology, such as bigger nets, electronic fish detection equipment, and mechanized hauling gear. The environmental security approach thus offers a clear alternative to traditional security thinking about international conflicts over renewable natural resources. It suggests that the key problem is to conserve the resource in order to maintain adequate supplies well into the future, rather than trying to control more of a resource that is being depleted. In the case of shared rivers, conservation efforts will involve two or three states; with maritime fisheries, it will require global agreement. A distinctly different issue is the indirect effect of environmental degradation on violent domestic conflicts. This has been brought into focus by civil wars, the collapse of state structures, and major humanitarian crises in Africa. Eight African countries are already experiencing significant humanitarian crises (defined as putting at least 1 million people at risk) related to domestic strife, or are at risk of experiencing them. The annual costs to the United States of foreign disaster and humanitarian crises increased from less than $25 million in the latter half of the 1980s to nearly $1.

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The left panels show the effects of land use transformation arthritis pain unbearable purchase voltaren with american express, while the right panels include land degradation-induced productivity loss arthritis treatment back pain order 100 mg voltaren fast delivery. By 2010, 34 per cent of global biodiversity indexed in this way had already been lost. This is equivalent to a complete loss of the original biodiversity of an area about 1. The strongest drivers of biodiversity loss to date have been agriculture, followed by forestry, infrastructure, urban encroachment and climate change. In the period 2010­2050, climate change, crop agriculture and infrastructure development are expected to be the drivers of biodiversity loss with the greatest projected increase {7. Degradationdriven losses in agricultural production-through erosion, soil fertility loss, salinization and other processes-constitute a risk to food security {4. Soil fertility loss is caused by three main processes: soil acidification, salinization and waterlogging {4. By 2050, land degradation and climate change together are predicted to reduce crop yields by an average of 10 per cent 12. The definition that follows is for the purpose of this assessment only: water security is used to mean the ability to access sufficient quantities of clean water to maintain adequate standards of food and goods production, sanitation and health care and for preserving ecosystems. Panel (a) shows the degree to which humans have appropriated production of biomass. Panel (b) shows the decline in soil organic carbon, an indicator of soil degradation (decline in red, increase in blue), relative to an estimated historical condition that predates anthropogenic land use. The areas shown in green are wilderness in the sense that ecological and evolutionary processes operate there with minimal human disturbance. Panel (d) shows (in purple) the levels of species loss, estimated for all species groups, relative to the originally-present species composition. Although important advances have been made in reducing global food insecurity in the past decade, there are still nearly 800 million people worldwide without access to adequate nutrition {4. Land degradation impairs water security through a reduction in the reliability, quantity and quality of water flows {5. This map shows patterns in cultural diversity, using language diversity as a proxy indicator, and patterns in biodiversity, using mammal and bird species richness as a proxy indicator. Language diversity is measured as the geographic concentration of the points of origin of each unique language. Many indigenous peoples and local communities consider land degradation to cause pronounced loss of their cultural identity. Modifications in hydrological regimes affect the prevalence of pathogens and vectors that spread disease {2. Land degradation generally increases the number of people directly exposed to hazardous air, water and land pollution, particularly in developing countries, with the worst-off countries recording rates of pollution-related loss of life higher than those in wealthy countries (established but incomplete) {5. Land degradation generally harms psychological well-being by reducing benefits to mental balance, attention, inspiration and healing (established but incomplete) {5. Land degradation has particularly negative impacts on the mental health and spiritual well-being of indigenous peoples and local communities {1. Finally, land degradation, especially in coastal and riparian areas, increases the risk of storm damage, flooding and landslides, with high socioeconomic costs and human losses {1. Though difficult to quantify, many indigenous peoples and local communities consider land degradation to cause pronounced loss of their cultural identity and indigenous and local knowledge (well established) {1. Land degradation causes a loss of sense of place and of spiritual connection to the land, in indigenous peoples and local communities (established but incomplete) {2. In most cases, land management practices based on indigenous and local knowledge have proven to be sustainable over long time periods and offer alternative models to the currently dominant human-nature relationship {1. The model for human-nature relationships offered by indigenous and local knowledge holders is based on relational ethics rather than on technological progress or economic growth {2. In parallel, novel concepts, such as "Ecological Solidarity", "Mother Earth Rights", "Living Well" and "Systems of Life", are being adopted by different countries,20 concepts that acknowledge that humans and ecosystems not only interact, but are also interdependent {2. This cognitive framing of human integration with nature is likely to create a collective sense of duty at various spatial and political scales to protect and restore land and to recognize the obligation to balance current needs with those of future generations {1. Land degradation-associated changes in ecosystem services can exacerbate income inequality since the negative impacts fall disproportionately on people in vulnerable situations, including women, indigenous peoples and local communities, and lower-income groups (well established). Although land degradation exists in both developed and developing parts of the world, it tends to have the strongest negative impacts on the well-being of people in vulnerable situations and of those living in economically poor areas {5.

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