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As Bornemann notes muscle relaxant baclofen purchase ponstel us, it represents a weak parliamentary anchoring of sustainable development policymaking because its function is to offer its expert advice spasms down there buy 500mg ponstel fast delivery, it does not have the power that a regular committee has as a preparation and decision-making body in the legislative process (2013, p. Thus, it is important to note that a critical limitation of the advisory board is that it does not have any legislative competence. Overall, the advisory board has been in existence for a total four legislative periods thus far. At least in part, this continuity is likely due to the fact that the parliamentary advisory board is grounded in a broad consensus across the various party factions. In Summary Early on, through various committees of inquiry, the Bundestag played a critical role in moving the sustainable development policy discussion forward by building a consensus among the various party factions and requesting the input of experts. Among other things, this work led to a recommendation to the federal government to create the Council for Sustainable Development. After relying on changing committees of inquiry for three legislative periods from 1990 to 2002, the Bundestag made its sustainable development policy work more permanent and durable through the creation of the Parliamentary Advisory Board for Sustainable Development, which has accompanied the overall national sustainable development strategy since 2004. The advisory board is the third institutional entity at the federal level that was created during the tenure of the red-green coalition with the expressed purpose of addressing sustainable development. Though it created consensus among the different party factions, this consensus is one based on the least common denominator. Ultimately, this as well as the fact that it has limited power means that the advisory board can only advocate for a weak version of sustainable development. Similarly, it is useful to examine whether it established linkages among the relevant implementing authorities and whether there is bureaucratic competition inherent in the policy design that may undermine structure-induced cohesion (May & Jochim, 2013). In addition, it is necessary to consider how successful the institutional structure has been and continuous to be in engaging and molding interests in support of the policy goal sustainable development. Relationships within the Institutional Structure the State Secretary Committee for Sustainable Development is likely the most powerful of the three institutions. After all, it is the second highest governmental authority in matters of sustainable development following the cabinet itself. In addition to fostering the coordination between and facilitating the implementation of sustainable development within the different federal departments, it has a working relationship with both the Council for Sustainable Development and the Parliamentary Advisory Board for Sustainable Development. The committee can invite both the council and the parliamentary advisory board to participate in its meetings and to respond to sustainability reports. In addition, the committee serves as a point of contact not only for the Council for Sustainable Development and the Parliamentary Advisory Board for Sustainable Development, but also for the federal states and key municipal associations (Bundesregierung, 2017b). As such, the State Secretary Committee for Sustainable Development is the key coordinating body for German sustainable development policy. But given that it does not meet very frequently or address daily politics, it likely could do more. The council was involved not just in the initial development of the strategy, but continued to provide detailed suggestions and critiques of later editions of the sustainability strategy thereby contributing to the building of expertise that could improve sustainable development policies and programs. The State Secretary Committee for Sustainable Development and the Council for Sustainable Development have a close relationship with one another. This is underscored by the fact that they have had several joint meetings in the past as well as made joint statements about German sustainable development policy. For example, then-council chair Hans-Peter Repnik was invited to the December 7, 2010 committee meeting as an external guest (Bundesregierung, 2010). In September 2011, the committee and the council came together for a joint meeting to discuss the draft of the 2012 progress report for the national sustainability strategy (Bundesregierung, 2011b).
The goal of hatcheries was to make "salmon without rivers"-to maintain fish runs at the same time that the river was remade into a source of hydropower and irrigation water (Lichatowich 1999) xiphoid spasms 250 mg ponstel for sale. Hatcheries collect gametes from adult fish knee spasms causes purchase generic ponstel pills, fertilize and hatch their eggs, and then raise the resulting young fish until they are ready to migrate to the ocean. At that point, they release them into a nearby stream, where they then swim to the ocean alongside stream-born fish. Furthermore, among the more than 1 billion juvenile hatchery salmon released into the Columbia River between 1959 and 1970 under federal dam mitigation programs, 99% were produced either below Bonneville Dam or in the area just above it, and fewer than 1% were released in the upper river (Allen 2003). By ignoring Indian rights and lives, industrial fisheries and industrial power could ostensibly be made compatible. But this long-standing neglect of upriver salmon populations in favor of lower river stock enhancement means that salmon populations have been remolded such that the bulk of fish now spawn at or below Bonneville Dam. They gained substantial recognition of their loss of fish and the neglect of treaty rights in the 1970s, when they mounted several successful legal claims. In the 1990s, however, the situation began to change: lower river hatcheries were generating poor returns and Euro-American fisheries were plagued by season closures and low catches. Furthermore, a growing number of fisheries scientists and Euro-American members of the public increasingly came to view salmon not as a natural resource for commercial harvest but as an integral part of ecological and biodiversity conservation. Hatchery salmon were no longer seen as acceptable replacements for stream-spawning salmon, who were now viewed as a "keystone species" with an outsized role in sustaining regional ecological processes. A 1946 federal government report states that the Mitchell Act funds should be oriented toward "developing the salmon runs in the lower tributaries to the highest level of productivity. For an extended historical discussion of these issues, including relevant court cases, see. It is important to note that the tribes still do not have full hatchery comanagement: plan. Swanson An Unexpected Politics of Population S281 Fisheries population research was clearly essential to revitalized Euro-American interest in upriver fish in both scientific and wider popular contexts. Dwindling dam fish counts were published in regional newspapers, along with mounting concerns about the possible extinction of some salmon groups. Within this context, tentative and partial alliances between Euro-American conservationists and American Indian communities once again emerged. As Euro-Americans became interested in salmon via concepts such as ecological function, keystone species, and genetic uniqueness, they began to have a renewed interest in the upper basin as an important site for salmon diversity and conservation. Within these new conservation imaginaries, the lower river, once seen as a haven for below-dam hatchery production, was recast as a place of partially domesticated and genetically inferior hatchery fish who lacked the complex population structures and ecological relations of the more "wild" upriver fish. Despite the role of hatcheries in Indian dispossession in the mid-twentieth century, the tribes have made use of them-along with other fisheries biology tools-within their own efforts to restore upper river fish. Yet, while some tribal efforts have produced promising results, overall plans to restore upriver salmon runs, especially the large-scale government initiatives, have produced worrisome results, as described in the initial vignette about the loss of upriver carrying capacity. Despite the growing use of upriver hatcheries-federal, state, and tribal-in a conservation mode. These forms of population biology are also forcing Euro-American conservationists to more directly engage the settler colonial histories bound up with the structure of Columbia River salmon populations. It appears likely that the sacrifice of upriver salmon populations within dam construction, mitigation practices, and hatchery siting may be a significant factor not only in the current low numbers of fish but also in the difficulties of fish population recovery. This is the issue that shows up as a decrease in stream carrying capacity, or what one group of fisheries biologists has called "the ghost of impacts past" (Achord, Levin, and Zabel 2003:335). Drawing on a term from conservation science more generally, fisheries biologists describe salmon as "ecosystem engineers," or species that have outsized effects on the creation, modification, and maintenance of habitats (Jones, Lawton, and Shachak 1994). When adult salmon return to a river to breed, they do not merely spawn the next generation of fish. In the process of digging their streambottom nests, they radically alter stream substrates, aquatic macroinvertebrate populations, and algal production with substantial effects on stream metabolic processes (Moore 2006; Moore, Schindler, and Scheuerell 2004). But perhaps most important are the nutrients-marine-derived phosphorous and nitrogen- that they carry in their bodies and deposit in streams when they die after spawning. Salmon fertilize the nutrient-poor watersheds they inhabit in ways that may have profound feedback effects for the survival of their offspring. Numerous scientific studies have shown that nutrients from salmon carcasses affect vegetation patterns (Helfield and Naiman 2001), invertebrate densities (Hocking and Reimchen 2002), and even songbird populations (Christie and Reimchen 2008). This growing body of research indicates that salmon carrying capacity is significantly impacted by recent salmon population size (Achord, Levin, and Zabel 2003), suggesting that the twentieth-century decisions to neglect upriver salmon populations may have so severely starved aquatic systems of nutrients and disrupted fundamental nutrient cycling patterns that the rivers have little to offer to the larger numbers of fish who are now trying to recolonize their reaches.
Yet how are population concepts made to do particular kinds of work in given contexts In contrast to the examples from Africa and Norway muscle relaxant medication buy cheap ponstel 250 mg on line, population biology in the Columbia River is not a government imposition spasms definition buy 500 mg ponstel overnight delivery. Instead, it is an impressive achievement-the result of decades of popular activism by partially allied groups. How, in the specific case of Columbia River salmon, have concepts and techniques from population biology become central to efforts to craft more livable landscapes The answer is tied, to some degree, to the role of dams in the Columbia River Basin. While the industrialization of the Columbia River began in the late nineteenth century with largescale logging and salmon canning, it hit its zenith in the 1930s. Grand Coulee Dam, located on the upper main stem Columbia, was built without fish ladders, blocking access to over 1,000 miles of prime salmon spawning habitat. While ladders were installed at Bonneville, its location in the lower part of the river also raised concerns because such a large percentage of salmon spawned above it and would thus be impacted by any extra challenges it would pose. Indeed, the government initially claimed that the dams would have little impact on the fish. Swanson An Unexpected Politics of Population S277 redd (salmon spawning nest) counts, and other research on fish numbers. It is impossible, for example, to precisely count the numbers of ocean-dwelling fish, such as bluefin tuna. One can only make rough population estimates based on various sampling methods, all of which are riddled with uncertainties. Similar challenges arise for migratory mammals on land and at sea: depending on how and when one samples, researchers can easily end up with significantly different population estimates. Under such conditions, population numbers for many species remain questionable due to the impossibilities of direct counting (Link 2003). Since the construction of the dams, it has become possible to track upriver Columbia River salmon with rare precision. At Bonneville Dam, for example, trained fish counters sit in front of a window into the fish ladder from 4:00 a. At night and during off-seasons, the view into the fish passage window is videorecorded, and counters later review the tape. Yet the counts remain exceptional, especially when combined with their spatial distribution. Because there are 14 dams that count fish at various points across the upper basin, the overall data from the dam system allows one to parse the numbers of fish headed to different spawning grounds. Political Possibilities of Salmon Population Science this data became essential in the next round of efforts to keep salmon runs alive and facilitated more elaborate engagements with emerging forms of population research in conservation biology. In April 1990 the Shoshone-Bannock Tribe was the first group to petition the National Marine Fisheries Service to list the Snake River sockeye as an endangered species; only 2 months later, a coalition that included Oregon Trout, the Oregon Natural Resources Council, the Northwest Environmental Defense Center, American Rivers, and the American Fisheries Society filed additional requests for federal protections for Snake River spring, summer, and fall Chinook. Rather than following typical biological definitions of "species," the Endangered Species Act defines the term to apply equally to what would typically be considered subspecies units. Slightly revised in 1978, the definition of "species," which retains legal force today, includes "any subspecies of fish or wildlife or plants and any distinct population segment of any species of vertebrate fish or wildlife, which interbreeds when mature" (Waples 1991:12). Such classifications were largely based in the long-standing vernacular observations of both American Indian and white residents, who noted and named visually distinct subspecies of salmon. The Army Corps began researching downstream passage on some tributary dams in 1960. See the following website for fish counting times and methods at dams in the Columbia River. Although pre-dam numbers require extrapolation from harvest statistics and other data and are thus less certain, estimates indicate that there were approximately 1. While, in human-centered debates, attention to population dynamics is often linked to fears of "too many". In short, the same dams that rent the river apart also made it possible to count fish and model their populations: not only do they allow for the highly accurate counting of adults within their ladders, but they also provide economic and physical infrastructure for other forms of counting that have produced even more detailed knowledge about salmon populations.
In terms of the specific approach to resilience and disaster response muscle relaxant jaw clenching discount ponstel 500mg on-line, the federal government focused on strengthening community cohesion to allow communities to respond more effectively to disasters as well as rebuilding in a way that bolstered resilience to future disasters spasms prozac purchase ponstel once a day. For example, the Interagency Climate Change Adaptation Task Force focused on both of these goals as it "created coordinated action on climate preparedness and resilience, driving agency-level planning and action" (Executive Order No. The Hurricane Sandy Rebuilding Task Force was entrusted with making recommendations to advance resilience to disasters, particularly through the effort of rebuilding from a previous disaster. The Mitigation Framework Leadership Group was also designed to integrate federal efforts and to implement the National Mitigation Framework. The National Mitigation Framework (2013) along with the Presidential Policy Directive 8 (2011) laid out the overarching strategy and goals for addressing resilience and preparedness during the Obama presidency. To implement the goal the federal government established a national preparedness system, National Planning Frameworks, Federal Interagency Operational Plans, and an annual National Preparedness Report. Two years later, in 2013, President Obama announced Presidential Policy Directive 21 regarding critical infrastructure security and resilience, thereby reinforcing the placement of the idea of resilience in the national security realm. Through the framework, the federal government seeks to reduce the impact of various types of disasters by establishing core mitigation capabilities. By including a variety of potential threats in resilience policymaking, Obama focused the attention of the federal government to the adaptation to and mitigation of various threats, including extreme weather and terrorism. By aligning climate change adaptation with broader resilience, President Obama likely sought to enlarge the support basis for climate resilience policymaking. Engaging Stakeholders the institutional structure that President Obama established to address resilience and to incorporate the idea into policymaking, reflects his background as a community organizer. The community organizing approach to resilience policymaking means that the federal government is partnering with and empowering local communities to strengthen their resilience to threats. That means the Obama administration focused on engaging the stakeholders that would be affected by potential disasters, such as extreme weather and terror attacks, to bolster community cohesion and thereby their preparedness and response to such disasters. The Interagency Climate Change Adaptation Task Force, for example, "conducted numerous listening sessions and public outreach events with a wide range of stakeholders" (The White House Council on Environmental Quality, 2010, p. Thus, the Interagency Climate Change Adaptation Task Force engaged a broad variety of interests in its work, later on the Interagency Council on Climate Preparedness and Resilience continued this strategy. The federal agency representatives, who were members of the council, worked with other governmental stakeholders, namely state, local and tribal governments, and non-governmental interests, including academic and research institutions as well as private and non-profit organizations. The Task Force of State, Local, and Tribal Leaders on Climate Preparedness and Resilience directly engaged local governmental leaders, who represent one important group of stakeholders. As its name implies, the Task Force of State, Local, and Tribal Leaders on Climate Preparedness and Resilience brought together elected officials from various levels of government to get their feedback on how to advance resilience at the local level. Specifically, the group was interested in engaging private businesses, citizens, vulnerable and at-risk populations, critical infrastructure sectors, and non-profit, academic, and philanthropic organizations in a dialogue about a variety of resilience topics, such as the coordination of disaster risk management and private sector involvement in resilience finance. Summing Up President Obama created a number of new institutional bodies to advance the idea of resilience and to incorporate it into the work of the federal government. Several of the newly created institutional bodies were task forces that only existed temporarily as they developed recommendations for the President and the Council on Climate Preparedness and Resilience. In addition to supplying recommendations for resilience policymaking, the newly created institutional framework coordinated federal agencies in support of the policy idea of resilience and sought to engage stakeholders in the process of resilience policymaking. The involvement of interests and in particular the affected communities themselves was grounded on a community organizing approach that acknowledges the need for community cohesion to strengthen disaster preparedness. In fact, the Obama administration often linked the two, but there was much more congressional support for the latter. Congressional Disjunctive Embracement of Resilience President Obama started his first term with a Democratically-controlled Congress. From 2009 to 2010, both the House of Representatives and the Senate had a Democratic majority after Democrats picked up seats in both houses in the 2008 election. As happens frequently, however, Democrats suffered losses in the first midterm election following the inauguration of Barack Obama. As a consequence, Democrats lost control of the House of Representatives in 2011 though they maintained their power in the Senate despite losing five seats.
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